What is the Truman Doctrine?

The Truman Doctrine is a containment policy of President Truman, inspired by George Kennan, which established that the United States must provide economic and military support to the countries of the world that require it to contain the expansion of communism or Soviet forces. . First expressed in his speech to Congress on March 12, 1947, in which he called for military and economic aid for Greece and Turkey.

The Truman Doctrine, first articulated in 1947, was based on a myriad of factors, including: the Cold War and the threat of Soviet communist totalitarianism, the geopolitical turmoil of World War II, the economy, the decline of the United Kingdom as a great power and the rise of the United States as a new type of superpower.

For Harry Truman, the president who understood these issues, the United States was the only state at the end of World War II and the beginning of the Cold War with the power, ability, and determination to forge a new and necessary foreign policy. This policy would have to protect the national security of the United States and its allies, defend existing and potential liberal democratic governments, contain communist totalitarianism, and provide the best long-term prospects for lasting world peace.

Origin and context of the Truman Doctrine

By late 1945 and early 1946, concern had already been raised about Soviet attitudes and actions in Europe, Iran, and Turkey. In response to a State Department request, in February 1946, George Kennan (1904–2005), the head of the US embassy in Moscow, sent a telegram offering an explanation of Soviet actions. Quickly dubbed the "Long Telegram," his analysis and recommendations, along with a version that Kennan published in Foreign Affairs magazine under the pseudonym Mr. X, became the basis for the containment policy that in one way or another guided United States actions toward the Soviet Union until the end of the Cold War.

Kennan pointed out that the response to the Soviet advance was long-term containment, patient but firm and vigilant. He believed that the Soviet Union would be patient, inching along on a multitude of geopolitical and ideological breakthroughs. The answer lay in the United States containing them and inhibiting their ability to do so.

A year after Kennan sent his reply to Washington, on February 19, 1947, the British Foreign Secretary, Ernest Bevin, instructed the British Ambassador to the United States, Lord Inverchapel, to contact the Department of State, because they had to send him a communication of great importance.

They were two notes that arrived in the United States informing that the British government, which had been providing economic and military aid to Greece and Turkey, could no longer afford to assist both countries in this way.

UK support for the Greeks would have to end on April 1 of that year. Also, it described the rapidly deteriorating state of Greece's economy and security.

In addition, they reported that the British could no longer continue their assistance to Turkey, that it was fighting communist insurgencies and that it maintained a large army that demanded Soviet pressure, and that the Turks would be unable to manage the financing of both the modernization of their army and of the economic development of the country. The British government hoped that the United States could take over this responsibility in both countries.

What happened to the British economy? In the spring of 1947, the United Kingdom faced a severe financial crisis, crippling its global responsibilities and deteriorating its balance of payments. The country could not produce enough for its own consumption or for export, and was forced to rely on dollar imports while US prices rose.

As if this were not enough, the extreme weather during January and February, the worst since the end of the 19th century, paralyzed the country. Electricity for industry was completely cut off on February 10, domestic supply was severely curtailed, and transportation services were reduced.

Now, Loy Henderson, Director of the State Department's Bureau of Near East and African Affairs expressed his opinion to President Truman that if the British withdrew their troops from Greece and the United States did not intervene, the Bulgarian-backed Greek communist guerrillas and Yugoslavia would surely gain control of Greece. If this happened, the free world would lose the eastern Mediterranean and the Near East to the communists.

While Turkey, with a weak government, but being the only country in the area with a strong enough army -500,000 soldiers- to make the Russians doubt, found itself in an untenable position. The Soviet Union made claims over the border regions of Kars and Ardahan, in addition to demanding a new regime to govern the Straits (Bosphorus and Dardanelles), thus demanding a revision of the Montreux Treaty.

In this tense international environment, on March 12, 1947, the President of the United States, Harry S. Truman, issued what would become known as the Truman Doctrine and would be, precisely, a manifestation of Kennan's Theory of Containment. : a promise that the United States would do whatever was necessary both economically and militarily to contain the spread of communism throughout the world.

In this way, the United States signaled that its role on the world stage would not end after World War II, putting an end to a century and a half of isolationist foreign policy and thus redefining its guidelines. For the United States, isolationism was no longer an option.

The Truman Doctrine positioned the United States as the defender of a free world against Soviet aggression and provided a foundation for American activism during the Cold War.

In President Truman's speech he called for an aid package of about $400 million to Greece and Turkey.

The Truman Doctrine is based on George Kennan's containment policy. Photo: Eric Schwab

Marshall Plan and NATO

Once Congress accepted the crucial foreign policy decision that the United States would come to the aid of Greece and Turkey to prevent them from succumbing to Soviet pressure, the State Department next turned to the equally urgent problem of helping Europe establish a program for their economic rehabilitation and, at the same time, promote the containment policy of the Truman Doctrine.

Secretary George Marshall's remarks at Harvard on June 5, 1947, describing this urgency, led to the much larger economic aid program known as the Marshall Plan.

The Economic Recovery Program approved on April 3, 1948 provided economic aid to Greece and Turkey, as well as Western Europe. Thus the Truman Doctrine, while no less memorable or important, was somewhat overshadowed by the Marshall Plan.

While the Economic Recovery Program was beginning, the Berlin crisis, derived from the blockade of West Berlin by the Russians, made it clear that the dangers of Soviet aggression were not diminishing. Out of this crisis, or at least partly as a result of it, came the North Atlantic Treaty signed in Washington on April 4, 1949, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

The NATO agreement formalized the multinational pact that was built on the foundation of American foreign policy created by the Truman Doctrine, which involved American support for nations threatened by Soviet communism. Shedding its long tradition of isolationism, the United States formally linked its security and safety to that of Europe for the first time.

Finally, Turkey and Greece adhered to the agreement on February 18, 1952.

Full text of President Harry Truman's March 12, 1947 speech

*The gravity of the situation facing the world today requires my appearance before a joint session of Congress. The foreign policy and national security of this country are involved.

One aspect of the current situation, which I wish to present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey.

The United States has received an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance from the Greek Government. Preliminary reports from the US Economic Mission Now in Greece and reports from the US Ambassador to Greece corroborate the Greek government's statement that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.

I do not believe that the American people and Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek government.

Greece is not a rich country. The lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make ends meet. Since 1940, this industrious and peace-loving country has suffered from invasions, four years of cruel enemy occupation and bitter internal strife.

When the liberation forces entered Greece, they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant shipping. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five percent of the children were tubercular. Cattle, poultry, and draft animals had all but disappeared. Inflation had wiped out virtually all savings.

As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human desire and misery, was able to create a political chaos that, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.

Greece today finds itself without funds to finance the import of those goods that are essential for mere subsistence. In these circumstances, the people of Greece cannot make progress in solving their reconstruction problems. Greece desperately needs financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel and seeds. These are essential for the subsistence of its people and can only be obtained abroad. Greece must be helped to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery.

The Greek government has also requested the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians to ensure that financial and other assistance given to Greece is used effectively to create a stable and self-reliant economy and to improve its public administration. .

The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by communists, who challenge the authority of the government at various points, particularly along the northern borders. A United Nations Security Council-appointed commission is currently investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the border between Greece, on the one hand, and Albania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, on the other.

Meanwhile, the Greek government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. You need supplies and equipment if you want to restore the authority of the government throughout the Greek territory. Greece must be helped if it wants to become a self-respecting and self-sufficient democracy.

The United States must provide that assistance. We have already extended certain types of relief and economic aid to Greece, but these are inadequate.

There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn.

No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.

The British Government, which has been helping Greece, cannot give any more financial or economic aid after March 31. Great Britain finds itself in need of reducing or liquidating its commitments in various parts of the world, including Greece.

We have considered how the United Nations could help in this crisis. But the situation is urgent and requires immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to provide the help that is required.

It is important to note that the Greek Government has requested our help in making effective use of the financial assistance and other relief that we can provide to Greece and in improving its public administration. It is of the utmost importance that we monitor the use of the funds made available to Greece; so that every dollar spent counts to make Greece self-sufficient and help build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.

No government is perfect. One of the main virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. The Government of Greece is not perfect. However, he represents 85 percent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were elected in an election last year. Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.

The Greek government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism. He has made mistakes. The extension of aid from this country does not mean that the United States approves of everything that the Greek government has done or will do. We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or of the left. In the past we have advised tolerance, and now we advise tolerance.

Greece's neighbor Turkey also deserves our attention.

The future of Turkey as an independent and economically sound state is no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece. The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those in Greece. Türkiye has been spared from the disasters that have beset Greece. And during the war, the United States and Great Britain provided material aid to Turkey.

However, Türkiye now needs our support.

Since the war, Turkey has sought financial help from Britain and the United States in order to effect the modernization necessary to maintain its national integrity.

That integrity is essential for the preservation of order in the Middle East.

The British government has informed us that, due to its own difficulties, it is no longer able to provide financial or economic assistance to Turkey.

As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must provide it. We are the only country capable of providing that help.

I am fully aware of the broad implications of the United States extending its assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I will discuss these implications with you at this time.

One of the main objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations can achieve a way of life free from coercion. This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victory was won over countries that sought to impose their will and way of life on other nations.

To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading role in the establishment of the United Nations. The United Nations is designed to make lasting freedom and independence possible for all its members. We will not achieve our goals, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose totalitarian regimes on them. This is nothing more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed on free peoples, through direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace and therefore the security of the United States.

Totalitarian regimes have recently been imposed on the peoples of various countries of the world against their will. The United States Government has held frequent protests against coercion and intimidation, in violation of the Yalta agreement, in Poland, Romania, and Bulgaria. I must also say that in several other countries there have been similar developments.

At this moment in world history, almost every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. Too often, the choice is not free.

A way of life is based on the will of the majority and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression.

The second way of life is based on the will of a minority imposed by force on the majority. It is based on terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio; fixed elections, and the suppression of personal liberties.

I believe that it should be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who resist attempts at subjugation by armed minorities or by external pressure.

I believe that we must help free peoples to carve out their own destinies in their own way.

I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid that is essential for economic stability and orderly political processes.

The world is not static and the status quo is not sacred. But we cannot allow changes to the status quo in violation of the United Nations Charter through methods such as coercion or subterfuge such as political infiltration. By helping free and independent nations maintain their freedom, the United States will give effect to the principles of the United Nations Charter.

A glance at a map is enough to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of great importance in a much larger situation. If Greece were to fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect on its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and severe. Confusion and disorder could well spread throughout the Middle East.

Furthermore, the demise of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect on those countries in Europe whose people are struggling against great odds to maintain their freedoms and independence while repairing the damage of war.

It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled for so long against overwhelming odds, were to lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. The collapse of free institutions and the loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. Discouragement and possibly failure would soon be the lot of neighboring towns struggling to maintain their freedom and independence.

If we do not help Greece and Turkey at this fateful hour, the effect will be far-reaching both in the West and in the East.

We must take immediate and decisive action.

I therefore request Congress to authorize assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance that can be would provide Greece of the $350,000,000 I recently asked Congress to authorize for the prevention of famine and suffering in war-torn countries.

In addition to the funds, I ask Congress to authorize the dispatch of US military and civilian personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in reconstruction efforts, and to oversee the use of such funding and the material assistance that can be provided. I recommend that authority for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel should also be provided.

Finally, I ask that Congress provide the authority that allows for the most expeditious and efficient use, in terms of necessary items, supplies, and equipment, of the funds that are authorized.

If more funds or more authority are needed for the purposes indicated in this message, I will not hesitate to bring the matter before Congress. On this issue, the Executive and Legislative branches of government must work together.

This is a serious course we are embarking on.

I wouldn't recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious. The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 to win World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world peace.

The aid that I recommend for Greece and Turkey amounts to just over one tenth of one per cent of this investment. It is common sense that we should safeguard this investment and ensure that it has not been wasted.

The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nourished by want and misery. They propagate and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died. We must keep that hope alive.

The free peoples of the world seek our support to maintain their freedoms.

If we fail in our leadership, we may jeopardize the peace of the world, and surely we will jeopardize the well-being of our own nation.

The rapid movement of events has placed great responsibilities on us.

I am confident that Congress will face these responsibilities firmly.*